Karandu (Gong): History, Functions, and Symbols in the Life of the Tolaki People in 17th -20th Century Southeast Sulawesi

By applying the historical method, this study aims to explain the history of the development of the gong (karandu) in Southeast Sulawesi and how the gong changes its function and symbol. The karandu entry into Tolaki estimated about the 13th century AD, originated from Java (Majapahit) and then experienced development during the Wolio kingdom. Furthermore, the acquisition of karandu occurred between the 16th and 20th centuries from outside traders as well as through shipping and trade with the natives. Gongs at that time were used as royal and confidential treasures of high value, art, ceremonies, social status, and many more. The gong evolved to communicate in particular situations, such as codes or signs of danger, meetings, grief, etc. The function of adat as a customary object in the moruhu owuku/ mooli anakia custom (buying nobility). The traditional object in marriage was called tawa-tawa sara (traditional gong), then replaced with money (nililima/ nilungga). The religious function was used when the Mokowea death ceremony was beaten when death occurs until the body was delivered to the cemetery. This function remained limited to the descendants of the nobility, the rich, or those with positions. In the past, gongs had an economic role with high prices and values as a criterion of prosperity. Several symbols were contained in the gong: social status, classic, unity, religious, and communication. Nowadays, they are no longer considered valuable objects .

From the 13 th to the 20 th Century, the gong was essential for the Tolaki community in Konawe and Mekongga. The existence of the gong was still considered a central function in daily life. Even though this gong or karandu tradition was not the original creation of Tolaki, it remains used and maintained in the present time. The use of gongs in various aspects of Tolaki life has shifted and changed. For instance, in marriage, the gong was not present like a gong but was replaced with an amount of money which was considered to have the same value as the original gong (called karandu sara or gong adat). In addition, in the arts, the lulo dance accompaniment used in the past has shifted or transformed using orjen accompaniment or modern music.
The importance of the karandu or gong for the Tolaki people can be seen from the function of this karandu as a traditional object or pu'uno osara (Al Ashur, 2003;Pingak, 1978;Suud, 2006;Tarimana, 1993) even in marriage or sara perapua gong or karandu was considered as one of the pu'uno osara or customary core as karandu sara or commonly called tawa-tawa sara.
For the Tolaki people, gong has a specificity or uniqueness regarding history, use, function, and symbol (Syahrun and Melamba, 2022). Karandu or gong was not only seen as a traditional dance instrument, but for the Tolaki people, it was more than that. For example, lulo, lariangi, umoara, mondotambe, and so on were known to the public. The use of gongs has experienced a shift along with the development of technological systems. Even so, some gong uses are still maintained in Tolaki society. As a result of the absence of gongs, some uses of gongs are changed according to society's consensus; even their partial use is only an introduction. For example, the lulo dance, in reality in the past, the use and function of the gong were significant and massively used by all levels of Tolaki society.
The discourse on the existence of karandu or gong in the spectrum of Tolaki people still needs to be enhanced. Prominent scholars were investigating the gong, which includes Djohan Mekuo et al. (Mekuo & Proyek Penelitian dan Pencatatan Kebudayaan Daerah, 1979), describes the gong (karandu) as an accompaniment to several types of dance for the Tolaki ethnic group, including the molulo dance, lariangi, umoara, umahu, osara, and so on. Furthermore, Sulaiman ((Sulaiman, 1990) explains that the lulo dance is a gong, one of the accompaniment tools. According to the name of the accompaniment instrument, it consists of: lulo ganda (lulo using a drum), lulo dimba (using a drum), lulo ore-ore (traditional wind instrument), lulo tawa-tawa (accompanisting a gong), and lulo gambusu (lulo accompanying a gong, traditional plucked harp). Tarimana (1993) explains the gong as a means of accompaniment for various types of Tolaki dance, such as lulo, lariangi, umoara, and so on. Likewise, the gong is used during Tolaki ceremonies. Third, the gong is used at Tolaki people's weddings. However, a more comprehensive explanation regarding these cultural aspects of gong is limited. A technological object has a function and a symbol for the Tolaki people, who have experienced a process of shifting. (Melamba et al., 2015) explains several aspects of the lulo dance. Regarding the gong, he stated that the gong or karandu is a tool or instrument to accompany the lulo dance; the gong instrument consists of several types of sounds.
The studies of karandu or gong as a problem for the Tolaki people have not been discovered at all, even though their position and function are very central to the Tolaki people's life in Konawe and Mekongga. Therefore, this study explains the critical role of karandu in the life of the Tolaki people from the 17 th century until the mid-1990s. There are several research questions. First, what is the history of introducing karandu to the Tolaki people? Second, what is the function of the gong for the Tolaki people? Third, what symbols are contained in the gong according to the Tolaki people?

Method
The method used in this study is the historical method, which includes the heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography (Garraghan, 1957). This study used primary sources in the form of archives and documents such as Memorie van Overgave (MvO), Dutch magazines, archive sources and documents researchers are looking for sources at National Archives of Republic of Indonesia, Jakarta, the National Library of Indonesia, the Archives Service and Libraries of South Sulawesi Province in Makassar, Archives and Libraries Office of Southeast Sulawesi Province. The secondary sources used are books related to Tolaki, especially mongae, research reports and correspondence. Moreover, the authors also conducted interviews with informants to explore the collective memory of the Tolaki community regarding karandu.

History of Gong in Tanah Tolaki, Southeast Sulawesi
Before explaining the development and changes in the use of gong or karandu among the Tolaki people, the etymological origins of the word karandu consists of two vocabularies, namely kara and ndu. The word kara means to stir or resonate. In addition, kara can also be interpreted as fast or warm. For example, bawo mokara means hot news or mokara means hot and actual. The sound of a karandu or gong can stir the heart and echo the information about an incident or event. The sound of karandu makes people stir their hearts. When the sound of the gong is struck, it is called kumokarandu, so people will gather. In addition, there is the meaning of the word kara, which means essential or fast, and the word mokara is a critical situation. In molulo, a quick movement is needed in swinging the arms (moese) and legs (molakoako and tinuka tuka) to the rhythm of the gong. In addition, there is also a version in which the two words have different meanings.
Furthermore, the word ndu means sound because if a karandu is hit, it will emit a karandu whirring sound in the form of a whirring and booming sound. For example, peia karandu ndu-ndu means the sound of a gong ringing. To distinguish between karandu and tawa-tawa can be seen from the round size, diameter, thickness and function. Several ethnic groups in Southeast Sulawesi know the gong by different names. For instance, in Muna, it is called mbololo, while the Moronene people call it randu, which has another function and usage.
The tradition of the Tolaki people regarding the introduction of gongs in the past was found in the oral tradition and taenango oral literature, namely the heroic epic of the Tolaki people. In this epic, it was told that the use of gongs during the departure of the Tebaunggu figure explored the land and sea areas. In some Tolaki people's folklore, gongs were used or played when there was a war between groups between kingdoms. In addition, the gong can be played if the situation was in a dangerous condition such as natural disasters (floods, landslides), epidemics (oropu), fires (oapi/mohai), situations of the danger of enemy attack, conditions of death, theft, meetings and so on.
The distribution of gongs on the mainland of Southeast Sulawesi correlates with the Majapahit kingdom, the Sultanate of Buton, and the Chinese. According to oral tradition, Arimatisima's marriage to the native Tolaki people occurred. At the same time, the descendants of the Mekongga nobility, especially in Rahambuu, have a tradition of kinship with Sangia Majanpai (Baden, 1925) According to local tradition, the first King or Mokole in the Konawe and Mekongga Kingdoms, named Wekoila and Larumbalagi were descended from Tolaki, Java, Luwu, Ternate, Bone, and Wolio (Vonk, 1928). Santoso and Bandem explains that the gamelan gong in Renon village is a relic from the Majapahit kingdom and is still being used today. Based on ancient texts, gamelan gong functions as a war gamelan; today's function is related to ritual and dance. Changes occurred during the reign of Dalem Watu Renggong; at that time, the roots of Hindu religious beliefs were firmly entrenched. In addition, there was a period of artistic aspects during his time (Santosa & Bandem, 2002) Before being known as the gong or karandu, the lulo dance accompaniment was the kanda-wuta (a drum made of earth perforated on it, equipped with a lid and string). According to oral tradition, karandu objects or gongs were purchased by royalty and individuals in the land of Java (wuta i'Dawa) through traders (folklore of Tepolepo i'Dawa). Along with the development of technology, karandu already existed in the Sultanate of Buton and was produced in Kadie or Lamangga village. Thus, ordered and purchases shifted to Kadie or Lamangga village of the Buton Sultanate (Djaruju & Sirajudin, 1990). The skills to make brass materials were obtained from the arrival of four Javanese people who each had exceptional skills, namely blacksmiths in Baadia, wood and iron craftsmen living in Melai and brass craftsmen living in Lamangga (Djaruju & Sirajudin, 1990, p. 127). This reinforces the Tolaki people's tradition of recognizing gongs from ancient times, contemporaries with the Majapahit kingdom. During the traditional Konawe kingdom, it was estimated that gongs in the 17th and 18th century were obtained through shipping and trade routes in the coastal areas of Konawe, Lasolo, Sampara, Tinanggea, and the ancient port areas of the Tolaki people. As there was trade contact between Konawe or Laiwoi and the Sultanate of Buton, mainly trading in brass instruments in the form of gongs (can be seen in Figure 1). Gongs were used to accompany the lulo dance so that lulo nggarandu appeared, meaning lulo accompanied by a gong.
With the entry of Bugis, Buton traders in the Kendari area brought wares such as ceramics, bronze, gongs, textiles, and jewellery. Then they exchanged them for forest products such as rice, rattan, and agel leaves. Thus, it also influenced the lulo accompaniment in the form of a drum made of deer skin (donga), anoa (kadue) and buffalo (kiniku), in the following period, they used a gong (karandu). As a result, molulo dimba (lulo accompanied by a drum) and molulo nggarandu (lulo accompanied by a gong) appear (Melamba, 2016, p. 34). As trade contacts took place between Konawe or Laiwoi and the Sultanate of Buton, mainly trading in brass tools in the form of gongs, the lulo dance was accompanied by using gongs (Melamba, 2016, p. 36). It was alleged that the Tolaki people had already known the gong for a long time. It can be known through folklore in the form of oral traditions about karandu in the Konawe east coast community whose area is close to the sea, namely folklore from the people of Watunggarandu Village, Soropia District, Konawe Regency. The name of this village means stone gong (watu ngarandu). The naming has correlated with a story about the toponym of a village, such as about a rock; why is it called watu nggarandu or batu gong? However, the strong tradition of using the gong became known to the Tolaki people around the 16th and 17th centuries, along with shipping and trade relations between several kingdoms in Java and the Sultanate of Buton (Mekuo and Proyek Penelitian dan Pencatatan Kebudayaan Daerah 1979).
One of the oldest karandu in the Konawe Kingdom is in Lambuia, an inheritance from Inowa Asaki Lambuya's descendants. Sultrawan Liambo keeps the gong. Type of karandu is to gong from Java. However, this type of karandu is rarely found among the Tolaki people. According to the genealogy of the karandu ownership line, the karandu was kept by Wehaleka, the daughter of Marahadi, who is a descendant of royal officials, namely Inea Sinumo Wuta Mbinotiso Towu Tinorai in Abuki who is a descendant of the crown prince of the Konawe Kingdom. From Marahadi, then kept by Wehaleka. Furthermore, it was kept by his son, Jaba Hasjid Liambo; then, it was passed on to his son Sultrawan Liambo.
The Chinese also brought gong. The Chinese migration in Onderafdeeling Kendari dates long before the 19th century. It is the discovery of the remains of items exchanged, such as; bronze, porcelain (ceramics), gongs, gold, textiles, and jewellery (beads) brought by traders from China, which the people of the Konawe Kingdom very much needed. This opinion is conceivable because in many places in the former kingdoms of Konawe and Mekongga many kinds of porcelain (ceramics), beads, gongs (karandu), bronze and various other findings were found. Both are used for burial provisions, valuables, decorations, or as merchandise (Melamba, 2022). Even in the Kendari area, Chinese money is known as Chinese sen (pipisi or paste) (Vonk, 1928). Karandu was produced in various types and sizes, ranging from large to small, with a central variation (puhe manggandu). Within a few generations, there was a significant change in material culture in Southeast Sulawesi. Around 1900, imported goods began to enter the peninsula, which was the most isolated and remote, causing many of the old objects that had been used to be replaced (Jong, 2010). In addition, there was information from a Dutch official, as explained in a source, that when Grubauer visited the old tomb complex in Wiwirano in 1911, he found stoneware and ceramics of various types and sizes, also known in Central Sulawesi, symbols of death which rich in ornaments, olxd paintings, finely made drums and gongs, fuya clothing, objects such as knives, trays and plates as well as many other objects which according to him belong to the tulatambatu culture which has long disappeared and almost been forgotten. The inhabitants then did not know its origins or meaning because their world had since changed (Jong 2010).
In history, the gong or karandu was used as a traditional object in every Tolaki marriage, such as wooing marriage (momboko ndetoro obita) which is considered an honourable type of marriage as well as in molasu or silariang marriages and other abnormal marriages. Karandu sara was present during the mowindadhako ceremony or customary settlement. Karandu, which means gong is a very popular musical instrument in the Tolaki Konawe and Mekongga (Kolaka) areas. There is also a tiny gong called the tawa-tawa. The material is brass and is shaped like a tube with a height of 10 to 20 cm. The shape is terraced, and at the top is a head called puhe karandu (the centre is the gong). The midline of the tube circle is approximately 30-40 cm, with a head circumference of 10 cm. On the head of this karandu, the musical instrument of karandu is beaten. This instrument accompanies the lulo (molulo) dance, lariangi dance, at tumotabua death, the announcement of important information, invitations to gather, and warning of dangers in the past.
In further developments in the 1990s, the lulo dance was accompanied by a tape recorder (radio), then replaced by a band; now, the accompaniment uses orjen music. This is caused by the limited number of people who have a gong. Even though there are efforts to preserve lulo by the government providing a gong as a driving tool, where each sub-district gets a gong, it still needs to meet these demands. Apart from the psychic constraints of the young Tolaki generation, obedience when using the gong is considered old-fashioned, backward or out of date. In 2007 the Konawe Regency government, through the Regional Revenue and Expenditure Budget, purchased gongs which were distributed to each sub-district. This attempts to revive the original lulo dance (Melamba 2016, 36)/ There are several reasons why the use of karandu or gongs has shifted or is rarely used, namely first, the centre of manufacture and materials have been complicated to find. However, the types of quality and materials are not the same or are much different from past gong products. Second, few people are skilled at ordering or making karandu traditionally, and the centre for making brass material for making karandu from the village or village of Lamangga is no longer producing it. Third, the system of knowledge and appreciation of the values and symbols contained in the gong has shifted. Fourth, the level of knowledge regarding the function and position of the gong among the Tolaki people could be much higher. Fifth, some people consider using the gong (karandu) as old-fashioned or left behind, mainly if it is used as a lulo dance instrument. Even so, some people still keep a collection of gongs as family pride, which is considered something valuable. Sixth, around the 1970-1990s, their owners massively traded heirlooms, including gongs. Nowadays, the charm of karandu or gong has faded. For example, in terms of art, the Tolaki people rarely use the gong during molulo and tumotabua due to the increasing scarcity of these objects. Seventh, in the past karandu was considered a valuable object, but now it is no longer considered valuable and is only used as a display at home. Eighth, special skills are needed in forming or making a karandu-type model. At present, karandu makers are no longer found.
The reasons for the reduced population of gongs in the Konawe and Kolaka areas are that this area was threatened by Darul Islam/ Islamic Armed Forces of Indonesia (DI/TII) movement from the 1950s to the 1960s, one of which was massive displacement. This causes valuable items such as gongs to be hidden by their owners. Second, the availability of gongs or karandu in Southeast Sulawesi was still abundant until the 1990s but decreased or faded after this period. This was due to the purchases and trade carried out by collectors who hunted for valuable objects and were traded by the Tolaki people. Third, some Tolaki people lack awareness of the functions, values, and symbols, so they pay less attention to the use of the gong. Fourth, there was an agreement/ consensus in traditional institutions that karandu or tawa-tawa sara or adat gongs can be replaced with an amount of money or a monetary value equivalent to a gong. This opens up opportunities to ignore the existence of the gong as a traditional symbol. As a traditional symbol, karandu is included in the core of Tolaki marriage customs called karandu sara or tawa-tawa sara. It is infrequent to find marriages among the Tolaki family by presenting a gong or karandu as a traditional subject (karandu sara or sara tawa-tawa). Fifth, in the 1990s the orjen or band began to enter as musical accompaniment, shifting the function of the gong as lulo accompaniment.
At every Tolaki funeral ceremony, the gong is always present, especially at the tumotabua ceremony (consoling the family and giving sad news to Tolaki companions. Hearing the striking of the gong, one can understand that an event has taken place, especially the mokole (King), anakia (nobles), royal officials, respected people in the past and government officials in the present. In the past, many people were found who were skilled or proficient at hitting the gong, both for hitting the gong for molulo and during death ceremonies called tabua nggowea or tumotabua mateaha. Gong beaters were not limited to men but could also be performed by women as long as they knew the types of gong strokes and their purpose. The timing of hitting the gong is not limited to when but according to the activity. For example, if the lulo dance is performed, then when it is completed, the lulo dance usually at night and some are held during the day. In addition, at the time of death, the gong is struck from the moment the body dies to the funeral procession. When summoning a large number of people, the gong is struck according to the delivery time.
In subsequent developments in the 1990s, the lulo dance was accompanied by a tape recorder (radio), then it was replaced by a band, now the accompaniment uses orjen music. This was caused by the increasing steps of people who have a gong. Even though there were efforts to preserve lulo by the government providing a gong as a driving tool, where each sub-district gets a gong, it still has not met these demands. Apart from the psychic constraints of the young Tolaki generation, obedience when using the gong is considered old-fashioned, backward or out of date. In 2007 the Konawe Regency government, through the Regional Revenue and Expenditure Budget, purchased gongs which were distributed to each sub-district. This is an attempt to revive the original lulo dance. At present, gongs are used in official occasions, such as opening activities, inauguration ceremonies, and other events. The striking of the gong is a sign or symbol of the start of an event or activity or as a sign of inauguration.

Structure of Gong (Karandu)
Karandu, also known as tawa-tawa, is the name for a gong in the Tolaki language. For this reason, in terms of marriage customs, it is called tawa-tawa sara or karandu sara, both of which comprise the same meaning, namely as a traditional object in the form of a traditional gong. The material is made of brass with a decoration of two dragons fighting over food. Its social function is to be used or played during ceremonies or weddings, especially among the nobility. In addition, this gong has a symbolic meaning as a status symbol for its owner. Gongs or karandu are usually made of brass (kuninga) and are shaped round to a specific size. In the karandu element there is a gong head or uluno karandu called puheno or the center of the gong (Figure 3), which has a prominent shape. The body of the gong is tubular, with two holes for attaching the string to the hanger. Finally, the rope as a hanger is made of specially made rope, but nowadays, it uses nylon rope.

Figure 3 Model Gong or Karandu Tolaki
As for the type of karandu, the material is made of brass as a tube with a height of 25 to 30 cm. The shape is terraced, and at the top is a head called puheno karandu (the center is the gong). The diameter of the circular tube is approximately 30-40 cm. Head circumference of 10 cm. At the head or ulu ngarandu, the musical instrument karandu is beaten, including percussion instruments, a kind of gong music. The material for hitting the gong is made of nileu wood or dried wood. The wood is cut into pieces approximately 30 to 35 cm long, with a large size of 5-7 cm wood, and the number of tools consists of two.
There are also models of karandu or gongs made of brass, which are round and have a diameter of between 30 cm and 15 cm. In addition, there is a prominent type of karandu called tawa-tawa, while the medium-sized ones are called karandu. Finally, there is a small karandu or gong as well as a medium-sized karandu that does not have a centre which is used to accompany dance (molulo), lariangi dance, umoara dance (war dance), umahu dance, mondotambe dance, tumotabua death, information announcements momentous events, as well as assembly invitations and warnings of past dangers. Figure 4 is a sketch of the gong structure's shape according to the Tolaki people's knowledge.
To use this gong or karandu, a hanging place is usually made by providing two poles and longitudinal wood as a place to hang the gong. To hit the gong or karandu, a wooden bat is provided. For example, resin, maja or obila wood, and several types of wood suitable for striking a gong. It is endeavored that the gong beater is made of wood which does not damage the center of the gong or the karandu puheno. This is to maintain the thickness of the cardboard.
The collective memory of gongs or karandu in everyday life is commonly known by the phrase "puhe ngarandu", which means "a person has a centre in the stomach that resembles the centre of a gong karandu or head of a gong," the centre protrudes like the centre of a gong or karandu. Source: Mekuo, 1978Mekuo, /1979 Besides being distinguished by differences in the size of their diameter, centre or stomach, and their use, karandu and tawa-tawa can also be distinguished through their usage habits. Tawa-tawa is often used to accompany various Tolaki dances such as umoara (war dance), lariangi, mondotambe (welcoming guests), lulo, and so on. Among the Tolaki people, it is known that someone skilled (mandara mondoni karandu) can beat a gong or karandu. Each type of wasp will produce a sound according to the conditions and needs of striking karandu.
communication technology system and the abolition of the villages, which was marked by the dissolution of the self-governing. The function of the gong as a means of communication in the past was when ships and boats departed or arrived, so the gong was sounded as a sign of the departure and arrival of a ship or boat (Baden, 1925) Suppose there are issues on government, development, and other social affairs that require the participation of many community members. In that case, the village head beats a wooden "gong" or "bucket", then in a few moments, all the leaders of the family or the head of the household will be gathered except for those who are sick or temporarily absent. They are all present voluntarily without coercion to hear what things need to be done by them. A sign or signal about the purpose of the call is through the sound of a gong or drums tasi can only be heard from the sequence of sounds, the provisions of which are as follows; If the sound is a long string, then it indicates that there is a sudden call because something dangerous or an accident has occurred that requires immediate help; If the sound is twice in a long row, then it indicates that there is distress or death that has occurred; If the sound is made three times in a long row, then it indicates a call to complete a particular work together, and the head of each family must be present bringing work tools; If it sounds like four times in a long row, it indicates a call to gather because government guests need to meet face-to-face with the community or hold important deliberations (Su'ud 2010).
Until the 1950s, the traditional provisions mentioned above were still practised and obeyed in all rural areas of the Tolaki people. This gong culture has disappeared in almost all Tolaki people's villages except for a few remote villages. In the past, when this gong culture was still being practiced, residents would have obeyed it because if not, then the person concerned would have regretted being ostracized in the daily social order of society.
As a function of communication, karandu in the past was a cultural communication tool to convey information or news known as momboko ndunggu obawo. Information is conveyed by hitting the gong in a certain number of strokes and rhythm. To distinguish the type of news and its contents, it can be heard from the sound of the gong being struck. When there is news of grief, news of danger, news of gathering or teporombu, the karandu will beat with wasps containing information about an abala (disaster), oropu (deadly epidemic), fire, or an enemy threat. Karandu is also used as a universal calling medium for all people in a village or onapo (okambo), for teporombu (deliberation), and metasere (population census for obea/osima or tax data collection). Using a carousel is also a means of communication and information regarding urgent issues.

Custom Functions
Gong or karandu in the past was used as an object in the moruhu custom or mo'oli obeli (buying nobility). In the past, the position status was very concerning, especially a person's origin; they maintained their authenticity. Mainly in conducting marriages between royal and government elites, both those who rule and those who do not rule, there is a prohibition or taboo on marriages between nobles and non-nobility, traditional elites and non-elite. If a person marries a lower status or social structure or is outside the position of his status, he will be subject to customary punishment. In the past, there was a prohibition on marriage between one group and another. Still, marrying married to a woman from the anakia aristocratic class meant the man had to pay a certain amount of goods to the woman. This is called moruhu owuku, meaning that with this payment, the man's rank is raised so that he is equal to the woman.
There was an osara or custom that developed in the Tolaki community at that time that a noble girl could not marry "Okino perahino" means "can't eat together", means not being able to sit together or eat together in one place. In fact, according to belief, you should not mix medulus before carrying out the moruhu owuku custom, because this is considered a family disgrace and causes shame. This moruhu owuku custom is the custom of buying and measuring blood or measuring bones as a position of high status with someone of middle status or from the lower class. According to the Tolaki people, blood is a symbol of life, and bones are a symbol of human strength. Both elements are needed for the human body to be a driving force and support in human life.
As a customary function, karandu was present at the wedding ceremony (perapua). In the wedding ceremony, karandu was present as one of the traditional objects or customary requirements. The function of the gong is included in the adat principal or pu'uno osara, which consists of four pu'uno, which are included in the sara niwondahako puuno category. The four pu'uno consist of the first, aso mata okasa or one fis kaci. Aso mata kiriku sara in the form of one buffalo (worth IDR 250,000), aso mata eno sara in the form of a circle of gold necklace eno wulaa (worth IDR 250,000) and aso mata karandu sara which is also called tawa-tawa sara in the form of one gong fruit (worth IDR 50,000). The position of karandu sara or tawa sara in implementing the mowindaho ceremony is at the bottom of the traditional apparatus. A gong has a meaning; if a parent/father dies, relatives, neighbours and acquaintances, both near and far away, will be informed about it. There is a knowledge of the Tolaki people as a message to their children that karandu nggo ieto tinoni keno nio tumotabua means the gong that will be used or beaten when notification of death. A gong that is struck with a certain rhythm is a means of notification that someone has died. By the consensus of the Tolaki traditional leaders, through the Tolaki Traditional Institute (LAT), traditional objects (karandu/gong) are replaced by means of nililima or nilungga means to be replaced with something. However, in the past, the existence of karandu and tawa-tawa as offerings or offerings according to the osara custom according to the object type.
Popolo as dowry included buffalo, sago groves, gongs, white cloth in the form of pis, sarongs, gold coins, household tools and other gold jewellery. In the past, the shape of popolo was; sago groves or puu ndawaro, gong (karandu/ tawa-tawa), gauze wila white cloth (in pis form), osawu or toloa sarongs, gold coins, household tools, gold jewelery and others. As well as popolo, there are other payments called sara peana, sara = adat, peana = having children, raising babies. Sara peana, namely a payment based on the reason that the woman who is proposed to has been cared for with great difficulty by the mother until she was small until she was an adult.
The function of the traditional gong has shifted in the past. The gong is used as a traditional object in marriage (sara perapua) of the Tolaki people in the particular content section of the traditional subject called tawa-tawa sara. The form of tawa-tawa and sara was carried out physically; this can be understood at that time, the acquisition and trade network for gong objects was still easy to obtain and was still being produced. However, since the mid-20th Century, the existence of a traditional gong (tawa-tawa sara) can be replaced with some money. The amount of money as a substitute is IDR 250,000 -as a replacement and is considered equivalent to the value of the gong; this is by the agreement of the traditional leaders, traditional stakeholders and the Tolaki Traditional Institution (LAT) at each customary meeting or during training.

Religious Function
The function of the gong in the death ceremony of the Tolaki people was explained by Tarimana that after To'onomotuo or the local government received the Pabitara notification, then at the funeral home, the gong was immediately hammered with 2 (two) long sounds.
After the gong is sounded, it is a sign that mourning/people are dying in the house. If the person who died was a nobleman, then after the gong was sounded, a buffalo was immediately slaughtered, which had been prepared before the person concerned died. as a sign of respect, referred to as kotu mbenao. Afterwards, only the women who are present and who come to the funeral home are allowed to cry over the corpse, which is called meorumate or mombokosalanggomate. To the relatives of the corpse who are far away, someone or several people are immediately sent to convey this grief according to custom. Bringing it with the traditional Kalosara accompanied by a piece of white cloth is called Mekowea (Tarimana, 1993).
In front of the funeral home, it is also customary to stake a white cloth as a sign of mourning. If the person who died was a nobleman, then at the funeral home, the people hammered a gong called "tumotabua" sequentially and continuously until the body was placed at the grave's edge. If the deceased person is a person of fame (nobility), then in addition to the bier, it must be shaped in such a way as to resemble an ornamental boat, wearing a white conical flag at the four corners. In front of the bier, several people are performing umoara (war dance) and tumotabua (striking a gong to accompany the corpse) after being lifted to the place of burial.
Judging from the religious function, especially at the death ceremony of the Tolaki people, the rhythm of the striking of the karandu or gong tumotabua is divided into several types of sounds of the tumotabua karandu, namely: (1) tabua nggowea, (2) tabua mbekado, (3) tabua mboreetina-mepate pate sapembita, and (4) tabua mborekapu. When in mourning, funeral processions, and announcing the dead, tumotabua will be held using a gong. In tumotabua activities, the maximum number of gongs used is 7 (seven) and a minimum of 2 (two) gongs, and there are rules and procedures for hitting tumotabua (funeral ceremonies). In the tumotabua event, three types of gong blows are known, one of which is the tumotabua punch, where the people (in the past) understood that this strike indicated that a mokole (king), royal official, anakia, or an important person had died. Nowadays, the striking of the gong or karandu suggests that an official, influential person, traditional leader, community leader or descendant of the traditional elite from the past has died.

Arts Function
Karandu or gong accompanies the Tolaki people's dances, including the lulo (molulo) dances, lariangi, umahu, mondau, osara, and so on. Mainly to accompany the lulo dance which is usually held regularly. There are several sounds of blows when accompanying the lulo dance, this is explained by the fact that there are several sounds and blows of the gong karandu, namely: mude-mude salaka, tolongi dongi-dongi, tundu watu nggere kere, tunduh watu ngganeko, pundi madi telopo. Pukulan saat kematian disebut tumotabua terbagi pukulan kowea dan tina mopate pate (see also Mekuo, 1978;Melamba, 2016). The reduced function of the gong, such as the function of lulo accompaniment, is less functional and is rarely used in every lulo dance event. Until the 1980s, local residents still used these accompaniment tools to accompany lulo.
Art has a close relationship with worship or accompaniment in calling spirits. Sangia (ancestral spirits) as a form of original belief, is considered a source of strength, worship as a form of religious expression can be seen in several kinds of art, such as the poetic verses in mythological songs called Tebaununggu songs and isara songs (names of heroes that symbolize the gods of the earth and the gods of the sky); a cult dance called the lariangi dance (dance worshipping a king who is treated as a god on earth); the lulo sangia dance (a dance to pray to the spirits of the ancestors or the gods for healing of a king's illness); and the umoara dance (a war dance that expresses magical power and social power in a hero who is ready to enter the battlefield) (Tarimana, 1993). Apart from that, karandu is also used to accompany the funeral of a king or bokeo or mokole, royal officials, and the nobility or anakia. The gong is always beaten non-stop while delivering the corpse to the burial place.
The function of the gong as an art is to accompany the Tolaki traditional dance. Karandu or gongs are used to accompany lulo dances and umoara dances (dance of war), mondotambe dance (welcoming dance), lariangi dance (offering dance), umahu dance (dance taking water), and so on. Previously, the lulo dance accompaniment was made of kanda-wuta, a hole made of soil to which a rope and material made of animal skin or sago fronds are attached. The rhythm of hitting the gong in the lulo dance has variations, such as the telopo madi purse, tundu watu ganganeko. Karandu is a percussion instrument. The musical instruments that are played are karandu (gong), drum (tamburu), and o'dimba (a type of drum). In the Tolaki folk song, there is a piece that reads "peia tawa-tawa, molulo sambe gaa" which means the sound of the rhythm of the gong, carrying out the lulo dance until morning. There is also a verse in the song that reads "Nopeia karandu tinoni tawa-tawa luwuako toono meambo penaono" meaning that with the sound of the gong and the striking of the gong, everyone has a happy heart. It is a collective memory that gong karandu, or tawa-tawa, is a tool to accompany the lulo dance.
The function of accompanying dances such as the molulo dance is dance performed by all elements of society; men and women, young and old, adults and children, community leaders and commoners, the rich and the poor. Usually, this dance is performed at weddings and on the last anniversary of death. The sound of a gong accompanies this dance. The middle room of the party house where the dance is held is decorated with decorative tents and decorative cloth curtains. This dance is more satisfying for performers and spectators when performed at night rather than during the day. The way to do this is to hold hands with fellow dancers, where the male's hand is in a position below the female's hand, around the gong that is sounded, which forms a circle, the joined hands are moved up and down, while the legs are swung twice to the left. Then step back three times to the right, followed by moving the feet forward and backwards, and so on; the face and gaze are directed forward to the centre of the circle where the gong is hung on the centre pillar of the house, which from time to time glances to the left and the right; all movements of both hands and feet are always adjusted to the rhythm of the sound of the gong.

Functions as Economic or Valuable and High-value Assets
Function as a valuable and high-value treasure. In some cases, karandu is used as an inheritance for someone to their child as the heir, so we find many types of karandu or gongs that are hundreds of years old. After being traced is the tiari of their ancestors during the royal period, where karandu became a royal inheritance called hanu manuru. One proof of the root of the karandu culture among the Tolaki people is that they made it one of the images in the regional symbols of Konawe Regency (formerly Kendari, 1962Kendari, -2004. Karandu, as an economic and social function, is a symbol of the nobles' wealth. Karandu is also a confirmation of position in the social structure. As an inheritance, karandu is considered a symbol of high-value property. There is an expression that reads hapo-hapo tengga ronga tewali tiara, which means that the price is valuable and becomes an inheritance. Having a karandu or tawa-tawa is a matter of pride for the family. Karandu is a symbol of economic maturity and wealth of social status for some Tolaki people and is even used as one of the legacies of hapo-hapo tiari. As objects of economic value, karandu are considered valuable objects. In the past, someone who owned property, such as buffalo (kiniku), walaka (area keeping buffalo and cows), porcelain (obenggi, darawata, jars, pingga mongulo), gold (wulaa), silver (salaka), jewelry gold (wulaa) such as earrings (andi-andi), including gongs or karandu are considered rich people because in the past not everyone could afford gong objects. In the past, gongs had high selling prices and were difficult to obtain. Gong ownership in the past was limited to the upper social structure or elite class, such as mokole or kings, royal officials, nobles (anakia), rich people (to'ono ngawasa), and so on.

Symbols in Karandu
Every cultural object has a value and symbol, including karandu or gong, for the Tolaki people have perspectives and knowledge regarding issues of traditional objects. A black gong is a symbol of stability and maturity. In addition, karandu symbolizes new sources of life in building and proclaiming a sense of unity (the concept of medulu mepokoaso) for the integrity of the wonua or country. Tawa-tawa is the name for gong in the Tolaki language. The material is made of brass with a decoration of two dragons fighting over food. Its social function is to be used or played during ceremonies or weddings, especially among the nobility. In addition, this gong has a symbolic meaning, namely, as a status symbol for its owner.
As a symbol of prosperity, they also describe the form of a prosperous society through what is called the atmosphere of ndundu karandu tumotapa rarai (the sound of a gong in the middle of the night, tawa-tawa and loud shouts at a party). Meanwhile, prosperous society is described by them through expressions: morini mbu'umbundi monapa mbu'undawaro (a cold atmosphere like the cold of a banana tree and cool like a sago grove), metotoro o loho mesuke ndaliawa (a fertile atmosphere of life like a fruitful kedondong trees and a solid atmosphere of life like a sturdy house supported by living logs). Finally, the idea of well-being, for example, is embodied in what is called mombekapona-pona'ako (mutual love), ndundu karandu (an atmosphere of inner calm filled with the melodious strains of the sound of a gong in the middle of the night), and tumotapa rarai (an atmosphere of joy filled with the noisy sound, tawa-tawa and applause) (Tarimana, 1993). Furthermore, what Tolaki people mean by someone wealthy (kawasa) is if someone has: big house; antiques such as gongs, jars, plates, and the like; areas of hardwood plantations such as coconut, durian, mango, langsat, sago plantations and others; plenties of domesticated animals or livestock such as buffaloes, horses, goats, and so on; many wives (kawasa ndile); many followers, such as many workers employed, families, and so on, which is called (kawasa ndoono).
Based on the aforementioned categories of social stratification, every Tolaki person competes to maintain and improve their social status through hard work in the farming and plantation business sector as the main livelihood of the majority of the Tolaki ethnic community since ancient times (Su'ud 2010).
Tarimana reveals the religious symbol. Suppose it turns out that the sick person has breathed his last. In that case, people immediately slaughter a buffalo as what is called kotumbenao (a sacrifice that kills the soul, a separator between the body and the spirit). Meanwhile, people have done tumotabua (ringing the gong as a sign that the accompanying spirits go to their Lord). The sad and heartbreaking sound of the gong stirred the hearts of family members and close neighbours to visit the death house. In order to inform distant relatives and especially those who are elders in the village, several people were sent to deliver a kalo called a kowea (in the form of a figure) as a sign of the message of the dead. If this kind of kowea symbolically illustrates that the spirits of the dead come to meet their relatives to say goodbye because they have to go before God (Tarimana 1993).
The gong as a symbol of the unity of the Tolaki people can be seen from the circle of the gong, which signifies the Tolaki people's view of life regarding the unified, when they meet each other, they will become one. Gong or karandu is a paramount cultural object in arts and cultural activities, especially in dance activities and other ceremonies, such as welcoming guests. Gong or karandu as a traditional symbol, is one of the causes of the emergence of traditional gongs, namely due to the scarcity of gongs both stored in the community and those that are traded, resulting in the main contents of adat (puuno osara) in Tolaki marriages agreed to be replaced with a certain amount of money called nililima or nilungga. The replacement was agreed in 1996, at a meeting of the administrators of the Tolaki Traditional Institute (LAT), traditional leaders and community leaders agreed that the traditional content in the form of a gong (tawa-tawa sara or karandu sara) would be replaced with an amount of money. Initially, it was replaced with an amount of IDR 50,000 and is considered equivalent to the value of the gong. The price was IDR 150,000 around 2003and 2006(Al Ashur, 2003and Muslimin 2006. Furthermore, at a meeting initiated by the Central Leadership Council (Dewan Pimpinan Pusat/ DPP) of the Tolaki Traditional Institute (Lembaga Adat Tolaki/ LAT) in 2021 to ratify the Customary Regulations, it was agreed that the price of tawa-tawa or karandu sara is IDR 50,000.00 (see Customary Regulations (Peraturan Adat/ Perdat Marriage or Sara Perapua). In the past, one of the traditional objects presented in implementing perapua was the gong. At present, the role of the gong, according to the agreement is replaced with money in the amount of IDR 250,000,this is called nililima or nilungga, meaning substitute, which is called tawa-tawa sara or karandu sara.
Gong is also a sign or symbol of communication. According to the Tolaki people, several values are contained in the gong or karandu. The values contained therein are artistic, technological, religious, and religious values. As an artistic value, the strains of the gong blows are a separate beauty full of meaning. There is a relation between the gong blows and the movements of the lulo dance, umoara dance, moreka punching umoara dance, merare, and so on. In contrast, regarding technological value, karandu includes form, material, size, and model. Finally, from an educational point of view, gong strikes are an accompaniment to dance, which requires the dancer to make regular movements (gong strikes in rhythm with leg, hand, and body movements) in a unified circular form.
The shift regarding the function and symbol of the gong (karandu) was caused by the social changes that occurred among the Tolaki, where previously there was a division of the social structure into the Tolaki aristocrats (anakia), the middle-class common people (to'onoongapa) and the lower class or slaves (oata) based on blood type or traditional division. This changed after independence, followed by the abolition of self-government in Indonesia, including in mainland Southeast Sulawesi, the abolition of the Laiwoei Swapraja and the Neo Mekongga Swapraja. Thus, there is a change in the social structure of a new pattern determined by the economy (wealth), education, position, etc. The orientation in adat has also changed in terms of deciding adat; for example, the tawa-tawa sara or the adat gong can be replaced with some money.
In addition, it is also caused by the Tolaki generation's need for more knowledge about the existence of the gong, especially regarding its functions and symbols and a lack of understanding of the values contained in this object. Some Tolaki people consider it not too necessary, but on the one hand, there are also Tolaki people who advocate using the actual gong both in marriage as one of the puuno osara (principles of custom) as the tawa-tawa sara (traditional gong), as well as in artistic activities such as molulo accompanied by using the striking of a gong.
The influence of technology with the invention and innovation of equipment helps peoples facilitate their affairs and needs. Such as orchestras, bands, radio, and the like that can accompany the dance. Besides that, it is increasingly difficult to get a gong. People must order it from Java (Yogyakarta) or Lamangga Buton. Another obstacle to owning a gong is the high price, significantly since the price varies from small to large sizes with different prices. The difficulty of obtaining and buying handicrafts in the form of karandu also made the traditional leaders of the Tolaki people and the Tolaki Traditional Institute (Lembaga Adat Tolaki/ LAT) agree that the traditional object in the form of tawa-tawa sara can be replaced with an amount of IDR 250,000 is considered a symbol of the gong object, and the value is regarded as the same. The use of gongs or karandu at present has transformed, used in images on symbols or logos in the form of district regional symbols, logos of traditional institutions, logos of community organizations, symbols or emblems of traditional mass organizations, in addition to being installed as images inside houses, buildings and border gates.

Conclusions
The development of the gong (karandu/ tawa-tawa) culture underwent several stages, namely: the first stage was called the identification of the process of entering and developing the gong culture into the Tolaki cultural area took several stages, namely: the first stage pioneering this period took place between the 13 th century to 16 th century. The oldest evidence of recognition of gong culture among the Tolaki people is that there are stories about the use of gongs during wartime in the taenango (heroic epics) as a source of old Tolaki oral literature. Besides that, there are several ancient Tolaki folklore explaining the gong culture. The history of introducing gong culture in Tolaki land according to local traditions and elements around the 13th century AD, originated in Java (Majapahit). The second stage is called intensification, where the gong culture becomes a habit for the indigenous population, having its function and symbol in their lives. During this period, they experienced the development and intensity of its use concerning the Wolio kingdom or sultanate.
Furthermore, the acquisition of karandu occurred between the 16th and 20th centuries from traders from outside and through shipping and trade with the natives. At this stage, the functions and symbols of the gong as a culture of the Tolaki people experience development and growth in their life practices of the Tolaki people. Gongs at that time were used as royal and personal treasures of high value, art, ceremonies, social status, and so on. In the 19th century AD, the entry of Chinese people who carried out the trade increased the number of gong products traded because gong became one of the trade commodities at that time. During the Dutch East Indies era, shipping and trading activities developed and continued to influence the gong troops being traded in markets and in the mainland of Southeast Sulawesi. The crisis stage occurred in the mid-20 th century post-independence period when the DI/TII movement crisis affected the number and use of gongs in various aspects of life due to chaos, displacement and loss of property. In reviewing the development and growth of gong culture, there is continuity and change related to functions and symbols.
There are several functions of the gong: first, the function is as communication as signs of danger, the presence of attacks or particular situations. The customary function of karandu or gong as a traditional object in Tolaki marriages. In the past, gong as a dowry in Tolaki marriages was called popolo. Then in subsequent developments, the dowry (popolo sara) in the form of a gong was added to popolo kinawiako (dowry in marriage) in the form of an amount of real money or rupiah; this was due to the influence of the entry of Islam. As a traditional marriage object, namely moruhu owuku/mooli anakia (buying nobility), gong is used as one of the redeemers. Traditional objects in the Perapua marriage entered as puusara (principle of custom) in the form of aso lawa karandu (a gong) called tawa-tawa sara/ karandu sara (traditional gong) then shifted. Still, traditional objects were replaced with money (nililima/ nilungga). The religious function is used when the Mokowea death ceremony is beaten when death occurs until the body is delivered to the cemetery (Awad and Shaleh 2018). This function is still limited to the descendants of the nobility, the rich, or those who have positions/positions. The religious function of the gong is used at death ceremonies called tumotabua, where the gong is beaten or played continuously with the sound of nggowea tabua. Furthermore, the gong is also beaten to accompany the corpse to the grave. The function of art as an accompaniment to the lulo, lariangi, mombesara, umahu, mondou dances and so on.
In the past, the gong had an economic function where the gong was an inheritance (hanu tiara/ hapo-hapo tiara), as a hanu manure symbol of royal inheritance, and at that time the gong was considered to have a very high price and value. At present it is no longer a symbol of the economy but has shifted into a collection only as well as being a source of pride when it is needed it will be an honour to own this object. In the past, gongs with high prices and values as a measure of wealth are now no longer considered valuable objects. There are several symbols in the gong: in the past social status symbols, customary, unity, and communication. As a symbol of art, the gong is a tool to accompany the lulo dance with various types of lulo including the kind of sound when hit; besides that, it also accompanies the lariangi dance (offering dance), umahu dance (water fetching dance), mondotambe dance (welcoming dance), umoara dance (dance war), mombesara dance (dance carrying traditional offerings) and so on. The gong is currently experiencing a shift; for instance, it is no longer regularly used to accompany various types of lulo due to technological developments to accompany lulo dances such as orjen, bands, and the like. As a religious symbol, the gong is used in death ceremonies by striking the gong. The shift regarding the function and symbol of the gong (karandu) was caused by the social changes that occurred among the Tolaki people, where previously there was a division of the social structure into the noble Tolaki people (anakia), the middle-class common people (to'onoongapa) and the lower class or slaves (oata) based on blood type or traditional division.