The Pattern of Social Changes in the Samin Community and Its Influencing Factors

In general, social changes occurred progressively, but it is not happened in the Samin community. This article aims to analyze the social changes in the Samin community in Tapelan Village and its influencing factors. The research was conducted in Tapelan Village, Ngraho District, Bojonegoro, using a qualitative and descriptive approach. There are two important findings in this study. First, there is a regressive pattern of social change in the Samin community during the colonial period, with the Dutch colonialists taking over teak forests in 1890, forcing the Samin community to leave the forest, becoming a closed society, and developing a unique tradition. Second, there is a progressive pattern of social change in the Samin community during the independence era after rediscovering their identity as an open and adaptive society, with Islamic dakwah as the main driver of social change.

community in the economy (Huda & Wibowo, 2018, p. 107), the study of the shift in gender relations of the Samin community (Choir, et al, 2012, p. 33), and many other studies conducted on the Samin community.
These various studies show how important the Samin community is to researchers. Especially related to their existence as a representation of traditional societies that are under the influence of life in the modern era. Thus, there are two orders that mutually influence the life of the Islamic Samin community. The first order is the values of traditionalism, while the second is the values of modernity.
Several research results on the Samin community indicate two tendencies. The first tendency is those who want to maintain the dimensions of traditionality so that they are firmly attached to the character of the Samin community. Meanwhile, the second tendency is those who want to describe the dynamic reality of the Samin community that is currently in the flow of change, even starting to move away from traditional values towards the values of modernity like society in general.
This article tries to follow the second tendency, which examines the social changes of the Samin community, but it focuses on the patterns of social change and its influencing factors. First, focus on the changing patterns of the Samin community during the Dutch colonial period and its Influencing Factors. Second, focus on the pattern of social change in the Samin community during the independence era and its influencing factors.

Method
This study was conducted to analyze the pattern of social change in the Samin community and the factors that influence it. Considering that the data needed in this study is dominated by descriptive data in the form of words, both from oral sources, written sources, and from the realities of the life of the Samin community in Tapelan Village, this study uses a qualitative method (Endraswara, 2006). The data collected is a variety of information related to how the Samin community in Tapelan Village, Ngraho District, Bojonegoro Regency experienced various changes, both during the Dutch colonial period and during the independence period. For this reason, researchers take a phenomenological approach so that they can analyze the patterns of social change that occur (Moleong, 2014, p. 15;Endraswara, 2006;Sudjana, and Ibrahim, 2001, p. 64).
The approach used in this study is an ethnographic approach that refers to an ethnic approach model, namely looking at socio-cultural phenomena based on the point of view of the people who are the object of research (Spardley, 1997). To maximize the data collection process, observation, interview, documentation, and literature review techniques were used. This technique is used to capture and understand empirical phenomena found during the research process (Denzim and Lincoln, 1996, p. 207).
The research begins with the process of collecting data through library research, documentation to collect written and electronic documents so that credible research results are obtained because they are supported by academic manuscripts found (Sugiyono, 2005, p. 83). Furthermore, the researchers made observations to get the data as it is (Moleong, 2010, p. 56;Usman & Akbar, 2017, p. 56). To complete the required data, the researcher also conducted interviews with local community leaders (Moleong, 2010, p. 186). These three data collection techniques are very useful for capturing and understanding empirical phenomena found during the research process (Denzim & Lincoln, 1996, p. 207).
To obtain valid data, the researcher triangulated in layers, namely triangulation of sources, methods, and theories. Researchers cross-checked all data obtained through literature study, observation, and interviews. The researcher also asked colleagues to do a peer review so that an intersubjective agreement was obtained (Miles & Hubeman, 1992, p. 19). All data whose validity has been tested are analyzed using a descriptive argumentative approach, namely by providing an overview of the actual conditions. During the research activities, no special treatment or manipulation was given to the existing variables (Sukmadinata, 2005, p. 73).

The Pattern of Social Change in the Samin Community during the Dutch Colonial Period and its Influencing Factors
In 1808 Governor General Daendels issued a new policy to ensure the supply of teak wood. Consequently, all teak reserves and free access must be obtained from all regions of Java. Of course, Blora forest is one of the targets to obtain this teak wood supply, because Blora forest is known to have the best quality teak wood.
Following up on the above policy, in 1809 the Governor General Daendels made the following rules: (1) prohibiting all private use and/or trade of teak, and (2) recruiting the Blora people for forced labor (rodi) as loggers known as Blandongs-Volkerens. The Blandongs-Volkerens task is to cut teak wood in the Blora forest and pull the teak logs to the designated place.
In subsequent practice, the Dutch colonialists relied on Blandongs-Volkerens in obtaining teak wood. Therefore, the Dutch colonialists deployed a number of men from various regions in Blora. They are employed for fifteen days each month. Under the supervision of a forest official (Boschwezen), the Blandongs-Volkerens cut down the designated teak trees, chop them to the specified size, then carry and collect them on the main road, where cows or buffaloes carry logs. The teak is then stored in a landfill, then transported to the bank of Bengawan Solo. The Blandongs-Volkerens have to work from February to November every year.
There was a very sad situation and conditions in the Samin community. When the teak trees withered during the dry season, Blandongs-Volkerens have to survive in the stuffy, humid and torturous teak forest because they have to face the attacks of malaria mosquitoes. In fact, previously the Blandongs-Volkerens were Blora farmers who lived well.
The farmers' cows and buffaloes also suffered greatly. Like the Blandongs-Volkerens, the cows and buffaloes are also forced to carry teak logs for fifteen days a month, through terrible roads of 9 miles, in very hot weather, and not being fed or fed. drink enough. Not a few of the cows and buffaloes collapsed, was paralyzed, and died.
Meanwhile, the owners of the cows and buffaloes were not given compensation.
On the other hand, the Dutch colonial prohibition on entering the forest for the people of Blora further increased the suffering of the Blora people. Not a few people have lost their jobs, so they choose to flee and become homeless. This sad situation became the background for the rebellion led by Raden Rongga. However, the rebellion was easily crushed by the Dutch colonialists. In 1810 Raden Rongga died in battle.
In 1874, the Dutch colonialists issued a new law which included a statement by domein verklaring, that all land -including forest areas-was controlled and administered by the state. Consequently, in 1880, the teak forests in Java were divided into 13 teak forest districts under the state teak company (Djatibedrijf). However, the issuance of this new law did not improve the fate of the teak forests and the people of Blora. Exploitation of teak forests continued until the early 20th century, so that the destruction of teak forests was getting worse and the fate of the people of Blora was getting worse (Suseno, O.H, 2000).
In these sad situations and conditions, a Samin Surosentiko emergea as a leader. He stirred up a spirit of resistance against the oppression perpetrated by the Dutch colonialists. In 1890 Samin Surosentiko began teaching Saminism to the people in his neighborhood. However, in 1905 the followers of Samin Surosentiko began to withdraw from public life, refusing to hand over staple foodstuffs to the village granary and refusing to participate in activities related to Dutch colonial policies (Widiyanto, P, 1983). The resistance of the Samin against the Dutch colonialists was carried out without violence (Benda, 1969, p. 207-216 and p. 218-240), in the form of refusing to pay taxes, refusing to work for corpses, refusing to go to school, and rejecting all regulations made by the Dutch colonialists (Korver, A.P.E, 1976, p. 249-266). This resistance caused the Samin to isolate themselves in the forest and it wasn't until the 70s that they heard the news that the Indonesian nation was already independent (King, 1973, p. 457-481). The aim of the resistance was none other than so that the Samin's would be free from the tormenting Dutch colonial policies, none other than the Dutch colonial policy of taking over the management of teak forests and taking the economic rights of the Blora people.
It was during this isolation in the forest that the followers of Samin -hereinafter referred to as the Samin community -developed the principles of Saminism. The main points of Samin's teachings are written in Serat Jamus Kalimasada which consists of several books, namely Serat Punjer Kawitan, Serat Pikukuh Kasajaten, Serat Uri-uri Pambudi, Serat Jati Wasit, and Serat Lampahing Urip. With these books the Samin community wants to build a country full of an atmosphere of peace and prosperity.
Basically, the principles of Saminism do not differentiate between religions so that the Samin people have a positive attitude towards all religions. In addition, marriage is seen as an important ritual for the Samin people because marriage is a tool to achieve virtue as well as a means of procreation. The Islamic Samin community developed several principles of Saminism, including: (1) life is a struggle to achieve balance, harmony and justice, (2) rejecting formal schools, (3) not practicing polygamy, (4) rejecting capitalism, (5) rejecting trading because it is fraught with trickery, (6) prioritizes patience and humility, (7) prioritizes honesty and respect, (8) does not accept gifts in the form of money, and (9) does not fight because fighting is contrary to their basic nature, love peace (Shiraishi, 1990, p. 95-120;Faisal, 2019).
The Samin people have a belief known as Adam's faith. Adam's principle of faith emphasizes the Samin people not to steal, not lie, not fornication, not envy, and so on. Adam's principle of faith also emphasizes the existence of two main functions for humans. First, the emphasis is on the Samin men to procreate in cultivating the land so that they can supply food to sustain life. Second, the emphasis is on Samin men to respect the wife who gives offspring. Third, the emphasis on the Samin men to cultivate the land properly because the land is the place where life takes place.
The Islamic Samin community has an understanding that Adam was the first human being born on earth. Based on this understanding, the Islamic Samin community believes that all humans have the same descent as Adam's descendants, so they cannot be differentiated. The Islamic Samin community also does not differentiate between religions, because the good and bad of humans are caused by their respective words and behavior. The religion of the Samin is known as Adam's faith. For the Islamic Samin community, religion means ugeman and ageman, something that is interpreted as a way of life that is passed down from generation to generation. Ugeman and ageman are the handles and clothes worn, which are interpreted as overall behavior.
The principles of Saminism are contained in the Kitab Kalimasada, a guideline among the Samin community which contains three main principles, namely: (1) angger-angger pangucap, (2) angger-angger pertikel, and (3) angger-angger lakunono. Neither of the three principles explicitly teaches the concept of divinity, but rather emphasizes human behavior regarding words, actions, and things that are imperative to live up to. (1) Angger-angger pangucap emphasized that the Islamic Samin community should really keep their words. Yen ngomong ojo waton, yen waton ojo ngomong, that if you talk, don't talk carelessly, rather than talking carelessly, it's better not to talk. So, the Islamic Samin community must really think before speaking, whether his words hurt the other party or not, harm others or not, and so on; (2) Angger-angger pertikel emphasized that the Islamic Samin community should behave correctly, including maintaining honesty, not lying, always being sabar and tawakal (sabar-trokal), always maintaining togetherness in harmony (guyup-rukun), always helping each other (gotong-royong), accepting reality as it is, not envious (ora kemeren), not envious (ora srei), not doing evil to others (ora jail methakil), not taking the rights of others (ora dahwen), and so on; (3) Angger-angger lakunono emphasized that the Islamic Samin community should always be consistent in implementing the principles of Saminism. If you don't want to be hurt, then don't hurt other people. If you don't want to be pinched, then don't pinch other people. If you don't want to be insulted, then don't insult other people.
The Saminism principle of God is analogous to the existence of a biological mother. The Samin people must respect the figure of a biological mother. For the Samin people, the figure of the biological mother is analogous to the motherland (ibu pertiwi), because the motherland (ibu pertiwi) is seen as giving life to humans. Therefore, the Islamic Samin community makes a living by farming. Through such an analogy, the Islamic Samin community understands the existence of God through simple thinking. That God is He who gave birth to humans through the process of intercourse between a father and a mother.
According to the explanation of the Islamic Samin community elders: "Agama iku gaman, gaman lanang. Adam pengucape. Adam, damele rabi." Whereas religion is a man's weapon in sexual connotation, namely the male genitalia used for intercourse. Adam pengucape, meaning Adam as a tool to pronounce, in this case Adam is equated with the function of language. That someone who is going to have intercourse must start by doing "jawab" during the marriage. In this case, language serves as a weapon. Thus, Adam contains two complementary meanings. First, Adam is interpreted as sexual. Second, Adam which is interpreted as language. Both of them function as weapons so that it is relevant to the explanation that religion is a weapon (agama iku gaman).
The decision of the Samin to isolate themselves further strengthens the process of social change in the Samin, where the characteristics of the Samin community have changed to become increasingly closed, developing a unique customary system when compared to outside communities. In addition, the Samin also began to be underestimated by the outside community (Wahono, et al, 2002).
The description above is a description of the social change in the Samin community in the first phase. The first phase of this social change has led to the Saminism Movement led by Samin Surosentiko. Some historians suggest that the Saminism Movement is one of the longest-lasting social phenomena in the history of modern Java, which started from the Dutch colonial period at the end of the 19th century, until the era of Indonesian independence. During the Dutch colonial era, they persistently fought, even though they were not violent. But ironically, after entering the era of Indonesian independence, they did not just accept calls from the state apparatus. It took a very long time so that the Samin community finally received influences from outside their community (Benda & Lance, 1969, pp. 207-216 and pp. 218-240).

The Pattern of Social Change in the Samin Community during the Independence Period and its Influencing Factors
When the proclamation of independence on August 17, 1945, the Samin community was still isolating themselves from the wider community. In the 1950s, some of the Samin people began to realize that the Indonesian nation was free from the Dutch colonialists. In 1967, Mbah Suro, a Samin figure who revived the spirit of Saminism, was not in line with the spirit of nationality. In 1973, when a Dutch researcher visited the Samin community in Klutuk Village, it was discovered that around 2000 Samin people were still practicing Saminism. At that time, the Samin community who lived in other areas still practiced the principles of Saminism. The principles of Saminism are something different from Islamic principles, currently the majority of Saminism followers in Tapelan Village have accepted and implemented Islamic principles. This phenomenon of social change in the Samin community occurred after entering the era of independence. The Islamic Samin community is increasingly open to the outside community. The life pattern of the Samin community is increasingly adapting to the outside community. The level of participation of the Samin community in government programs is also gradually increasing (Sastroatmodjo, S, 1952, p. 482).
Many factors influence social change in the Samin community. One of them is Islamic da'wah activities, both cultural preaching carried out by elements of society in a non-formal manner, as well as structural preaching carried out by the government formally. Da'wah Islamiyah -both cultural and structural-takes place continuously so that it has an impact on social change in the Samin community. In terms of religion, all members of the Samin community in Tapelan Village are Muslims. In terms of education, they are currently competing to send their children to school. Meanwhile, in terms of marriage, the majority of the Samin in Tapelan Village currently has an Islamic marriage at the Office of Religious Affairs (KUA). There is almost no longer the suwito tradition and a series of other traditions when the Samin community in Tapelan Village got married.

Social change in the Samin community in a religious dimension
For the Samin community in Tapelan Village today, Saminism is no longer the main reference, but rather Islam. As is well known, at that time our constitution did not recognize the Adam-faith as religion. Therefore, the Samin community is required to choose one of the five religions recognized by the state (Islam, Catholicism, Christianity, Hinduism, and Buddhism). Since the beginning, the Samin community absolutely chose Islam as the religion written on their identity cards. The tendency of the Samin community to choose Islam is due to several factors as follows.
First, like Javanese society in general, the historical roots of the Samin community are in touch with Islam. Whereas the leaders of Samin, Samin Sepuh and Samin Anom alias Raden Kohar, at that time were figures who were familiar with the Islamic environment, so that the Samin generation tended to be more familiar with Islam than other religions; Second, geographically the Samin community lives in a Muslim community, thus opening opportunities to increase knowledge about Islam as a result of their interaction with the Muslim community; Third, Saminism does not prohibit its followers from studying and even adhering to non-Samin religions as long as it is not against Saminism and/or does not harm Saminism; Fourth, since the early days of independence, many ulama have carried out Islamic da'wah to the Samin community, both non-formal activities carried out by certain figures (cultural da'wah), and formal activities carried out by officials from the Office of the Ministry of Religion (structural da'wah).
After embracing Islam, the Ministry of Religion organized the P3A (Pilot Proyek Pembinaan Mental Agama or Religious Mental Development Pilot Project) program for the Samin, with main lessons in the form of faith and the procedures for carrying out prayers. The P3A program was continued with the P2A (Pelaksanaan Pembinaan Mental Agama or Implementation of Religious Mental Development) program. Through these programs, gradually the Samin understands and implements Islamic law, including in the case of marriages that were originally carried out according to custom, which have now turned into at the Office of Religious Affairs (Kantor Urusan Agama) Currently, on the identity cards of several informants from the Samin communitythat I met, none of them wrote down Adam's faith, but Islam. At least formally, the Samin ty is a follower of Islam as is the majority religion adhered to by the community in the surrounding area. On the other hand, the mosques that were built in the Samin munity seemed to be getting more and more crowded with the presence of the Samin who performed their prayers. However, in line with the awareness to study and practice Islam, the Samin still maintains the principles of Saminism as long as they do not conflict with the principles of Islam.

Social changes in the Samin in the educational dimension
During the Dutch colonial era, the Samin refused to go to school, but during the independence era the Samin began to consider education, both formal and non-formal education, to be important. Currently, the Samin believes that with school they can increase knowledge and develop insight. Therefore, there is no current generation of young Samin who does not take formal education at school. Schools have become one of the factors for change in the Samin. Through school they obtain knowledge and technology that is very useful for their lives.
One of the driving factors for social change in the Samin in the education dimension is the government's policy regarding the compulsory education program. That the compulsory education program has fostered the participation of the Samin in accessing education. An informant explained that the current Samin community requires their children to go to school. Meanwhile, Samin's children enthusiastically welcomed the compulsory education policy. The Samin children have the awareness of the Samin to go to school, as well as are supported by the Samin family and the Islamic community as a whole. At this time, not only did Samin's children have completed secondary education, but also many who wanted to continue to higher education.

Social changes in the Samin in the dimension of marriage
Saminism emphasizes the Islamic Samin community to adhere to an endogamous marriage system, usually through matchmaking. However, basically there is no prohibition if a Samin person intends to carry out a marriage with a non-Samin. Marriage for the Samin is a very fundamental moment. Because marriage is something that is mandatory for members of the Samin. Apart from having the aim of having children and continuing the history of life, marriage is also important as a means of ensuring as a social being and as a creature of God.
Saminism emphasizes the Islamic Samin community to adhere to an endogamous marriage system, usually through matchmaking. However, basically there is no prohibition if a Samin person intends to carry out a marriage with a non-Samin. Marriage for the Samin is a very fundamental moment. Because marriage is something that is mandatory for members of the Samin. Apart from having the aim of having children and continuing the history of life, marriage is also important as a means of ensuring that they are part of society and as a religious community.
In the tradition of the Samin, the wedding procession consists of several phases. First, the dhemen lan karep among the Samin youths, is a phase in which the young people feel like each other and desire each other to build a household. Second, the lamaran lan paningset, is the phase in which young Samin proposes to his girlfriend to get married. Third, the nyuwito, is the phase where young Samin serves at the family of his girl friend before marriage. Fourth, the kerukunan, is the phase where there has been intercourse between young Samin and his girl friend. Fifth, the jawab, is the phase in which young Samin tells the prospective in-laws that there has been kerukunan, as well as discussing to determine the wedding day. Sixth, the syahadat Samin lan seksenan, is a phase of ijab-qobul witnessed by the two families of the bride and groom. Seventh, the adang akeh, is the phase of the wedding reception in the form of serving various types of food to all guests as a form of gratitude to God.
However, along with their understanding of Islamic principles, some of the traditional Samin wedding processions began to be abandoned. One of the contributing factors is their understanding of Islamic law which prohibits traditions similar to adultery. If there are Samin people who carry out the traditional marriage procession, after that it will be continued with the Islamic marriage contract procession at the Office of Religious Affairs (KUA). In other words, in general the Samin has carried out an Islamic marriage, in accordance with Law no. 1 of 1974 concerning Marriage.

The Analysis of Changes Using Kotler's Theory
As explained by Piort Sztompka, social change is a process that causes changes in the structure and function of a social system (Sztompka, 2004, p. 3). In this case, we can see a change in the structure of the Samin which was previously closed and tended to limit communication with the outside community. However, since independence, the Samin has begun to open up, socialize, and adapt to the culture of the people around.
Social change in the Samin can be analyzed using Kotler's theory through 6 (six) dimensions as follows: cause, change agency, change target, channel, and change strategy (Kotler, 1972, p. 29-33). First, the dimension of cause, that Islamic da'wah activities towards the Samin both culturally and structurally, have become a major factor in the occurrence of social change. In this case, da'wah actors continuously instill awareness of the importance of understanding and implementing Islamic principles, taking education, and building families legally based on Islamic principles and state regulations. Second, the dimension of change agents, that Islamic da'wah activists who seek social change in the Samin can be categorized into two groups, the cultural da'wah groups and the structural da'wah group. Cultural da'wah is naturally carried out by ustadz, mosque administrators, and kyai in Islamic boarding schools in the Bojonegoro Regency area. Meanwhile, structural da'wah is a planned and official da'wah activity carried out by formal institutions, including schools and the Office of Religious Affairs (KUA), Ngraho District, Bojonegoro Regency. Third, the dimension of the target of change, that the target of Islamic da'wah activities is the Samin which is known as a closed society and has a unique customary system, including adhering to the faith of Adam, rejecting formal schools, and carrying out customary marriages. Fourth, the channel dimension, that Islamic da'wah activities are carried out using nonformal institutions such as mushalla, mosques, Islamic boarding schools, as well as traditions owned by the Samin itself. In addition, Islamic da'wah activities also use formal institutions such as schools, the Office of Religious Affairs (KUA), and meeting halls. Fifth, the dimension of change strategy, that Islamic da'wah is carried out with very varied strategies, ranging from dialogical and persuasive methods, to direct practice in real life. Thus, gradually the Samin community can accept renewal ideas with full awareness.
In this case, it is very interesting to study the social changes of the Samin community based on the perspective of Kurt Levin. Through the force-field model, Kurt Lewin explains that social change occurs because of pressures on individuals, groups, or organizations. In this perspective, the new ideas conveyed by agents of change, both those carried out by the Dutch colonialists and by Islamic da'wah activists during the independence era, have provided driving forces for the Samin community (Lewin, 1951).
During the Dutch colonial period, because of the Dutch colonial policy which caused suffering and misery, the Samin resisted and even fought, even though the resistance was carried out without violence. These resistances caused the Samin to step aside and isolate themselves in the teak forest, so that gradually the Samin turned into a closed society and developed a unique customary system which was belittled by the surrounding community.
Meanwhile, during the independence period, ideas for change emerged from Islamic da'wah activists. The Islamic da'wah has given positive and optimistic messages, conveyed through a persuasive approach, so that the Samin gradually accepts these change ideas with full awareness. Thus, social change in the occurred due to the intensity of Islamic da'wah to strengthen the driving forces as well as weaken resistance to change.
The phases of Islamic da'wah to manage change in the Islamic Samin community are as follows. First, unfreezing, is a process of awareness about the need to change to face the challenges of the times. Second, changing, is an act of strengthening the driving forces as well as weakening resistance. Third, refreshing, is an activity to bring the Samin people to a new dynamic equilibrium by maximizing adaptation to the ideas that develop in the surrounding community. In this case, the role of Islamic da'wah activists is very important in providing driving forces, so that the Samin community is willing to take the process of change with full awareness.

Conclusions
There were at least two phases of social change in the Samin community. The first phase occurred during the Dutch colonial period. It started in 1808, when Governor General Daendels made a policy to ensure the supply of teak wood so that the economic resources of the Samin community in Blora were deprived. It continued in 1874, when the Law on Domein Verklaring was issued in which all land -including forest areas-was controlled and administered by the state. As a result, the continuous exploitation of teak forests has resulted in the destruction of the teak forests so that the fate of the people of Blora is getting worse.
These situations and conditions led to the resistance of the Samin community even though it was carried out without violence, through refusing to pay taxes, refusing to work hard, refusing to go to school, and rejecting all regulations made by the Dutch colonialists. This resistance also caused the Samin community to step aside and isolate themselves in the forest so the community turned into a closed society. They developed a customary system that was very unique but was often looked down upon by the surrounding community (Wahono, et al, 2002).
When the Indonesian nation had declared independence on August 17, 1945, the Samin community was still isolating themselves in the forest. In the 1950s, there were some Samin people who began to realize that the Indonesian nation was free from the Dutch colonialists. In 1973, when a Dutch researcher visited the Samin community in Klutuk Village, it was discovered that around 2000 Samin people in Klutuk Village were still practicing Saminism. There is a strong suspicion that at that time the Samin community in other areas was still practicing Saminism.
However, currently, research on the Samin community in Tapelan Village, Ngraho District, Bojonegoro Regency shows a much different situation and condition. At present the Samin community has seen social changes in the second phase. In general, the second phase of social change can be seen in the attitudes of the Samin community which are increasingly open to outsiders, their behavior in life that has adapted to society in general, and the level of their participation in development activities has also increased.
Of course, many factors influence social change in the Samin community in the second phase. One of them is the factor of Islamic da'wah activities -both cultural and structural da'wah. Social change in the second phase can be seen in 3 (three) dimensions. First, the religious dimension, where the majority of the Samin community today are Muslims, unlike before who followed Adam's Faith. Second, the education dimension, where the Samin community is currently starting to send their children to study in formal schools, unlike before which refused formal schools. Third, the dimension of marriage, in which almost all Samin communities today have married Islamically at the Office of Religious Affairs (KUA), unlike before, which only married traditionally.